Resumen
Una plaga oculta examina libros de registro del Hospital San Juan de Dios escritos a finales del siglo XVIII junto con causas criminales de la misma época para reflexionar acerca del estado de salud de las mujeres en la Guatemala colonial. Con este método, se desafía el argumento de estudios anteriores de que las enfermedades epidémicas eran la mayor amenaza para la salud de las mujeres en la ciudad de Guatemala. Si bien las epidemias sí afectaron a las mujeres, los libros de registro y las causas revelan la presencia de una epidemia oculta: la violencia doméstica.

Abstract
A Hidden Plague examines San Juan de Dios Hospital logbooks from the late-eighteenth century alongside contemporary criminal cases to consider the state of women’s health in late colonial Guatemala. This method challenges the contention by past scholarship that epidemic disease was the greatest health threat to women in the city of Guatemala. While epidemics did indeed affect women, reading the logbooks in new ways reveals the presence of a hidden epidemic: domestic violence.

Resumen
Del mismo modo que el COVID-19 ha moldeado la política nacional y ha resaltado las desigualdades raciales en Estados Unidos, las enfermedades infecto-contagiosas influyeron en las vicisitudes políticas y las relaciones étnicas en la Guatemala del siglo XX. Durante los cambios políticos de la primera mitad del siglo XX, las autoridades y los funcionarios de salud pública representaron sistemáticamente a los indígenas como vectores de enferme- dad. Los proyectos y las políticas de salud pública fundamentados en la medicina científica frecuentemente subestimaban las prácticas y conocimientos curativos de los indígenas. Como parte de proyectos más vastos de asimilación en Guatemala, profesionales médicos y de salud pública pretendieron marcar los cuerpos y la cultura indígenas con la medicina científica. Esta aspiración a menudo no sólo los cegó ante los aspectos beneficiosos de las prácticas indígenas de higiene y sanación, también ofuscó su camino hacia una mejor salud pública.

Abstract
In much the same way COVID-19 has shaped national politics and underscored racial inequalities in the United States, infecto-contagious diseases influenced political fortunes and ethnic relations in twentieth-century Guatemala. Throughout political changes during the first half of the twentieth century, authorities and public health officials consistently portrayed indígenas (indigenous people) as vectors of disease. Public health projects and policies informed by scientific medicine often discounted indigenous healing practices and knowledge. As part of larger projects of assimilation in Guatemala, public health and medical professionals sought to stamp indigenous bodies and culture with scientific medicine. That preoccupation often not only blinded them to beneficial aspects of indigenous healing and hygiene practices, but also obfuscated their path toward improved public health.

Resumen
Este artículo aborda las normativas y los discursos tanto del Estado hondureño como de médicos sobre cómo atender a la población durante brotes de epidemia en el contexto de una política social implementada por los gobiernos liberales entre el último tercio del siglo XIX y las tres primeras décadas del siglo XX. Hace énfasis particularmente en los diferentes reglamentos de la era liberal diseñados para confrontar y contener los brotes y la propagación de la viruela, la fiebre amarilla y la influenza desde los primeros años de la Reforma Liberal hasta el momento en que los diferentes gobiernos del Estado hondureño implementaron una legislación sanitaria de alcance nacional. Para contextualizar esto, se detallan las conexiones entre estos procesos y las políticas trasnacionales de salud pública.

Abstract
This article addresses legislation and discourses generated by the Honduran State and medical doctors at different moments of epidemic outbreaks in their country. This occurred between the latter decades of the nineteenth-century and the first decades of the twentieth century, when Liberal governments implemented wide-ranging social policies. Special at- tention is given to Liberal era regulations designed to engage and contain outbreaks and the spread of yellow fever, measles and influenza from the latter nineteenth century until the time that different governments implemented national level public health legislation. This is contextualized by detailing connections between these processes and transnational public health policies.

Resumen
Este artículo utiliza quince entrevistas de costarricenses que residen en el Valle Central, grabadas como parte de una iniciativa de recolección de historias orales de respuesta rápida global con el fin de documentar el impacto de COVID-19 sobre las vidas humanas. Estas historias orales destacan las dificultades económicas que los trabajadores y dueños de pequeñas empresas enfrentaron, así como sus esfuerzos a adaptarse a nuevas condiciones originadas por la pandemia. Muchos de los desafíos enfrentados fueron producto de las medidas gubernamentales que lograron frenar la propagación del virus durante el primer semestre de 2020. Una campaña de información encabezada por el ministro de Salud jugó un papel clave para asegurar el cumplimiento público de las directivas. Además, el éxito relativo de la lucha inicial contra el virus fue motivo de orgullo nacional y afirmó la idea del Estado como protector del bien común para varios entrevistados.

Abstract
This article makes use of fifteen interviews of Costa Ricans in the Central Valley recorded as part of a global rapid response oral history collecting initiative to document how COVID-19 has reshaped human life. These oral histories highlight the economic hardships workers and small business owners confronted and sought to adapt to at the start of the pandemic. Many of the challenges faced were the consequence of government measures that were implemented to slow the spread of the virus during the first half of 2020. An information campaign spearheaded by the Minister of Health played a key role in securing public accordance with government directives. Moreover, initial comparative success instaving off the virus was a source of national pride and affirmed for several interviewees the idea of the Costa Rican state as a protector of the common good.

Resumen
Extreme conditions, such as pandemics, frequently make daily forms of inequality and injustice more visible, given their more extreme consequences in times of crises. COVID-19 politics in El Salvador are no different. For a long time, the poor sectors of El Salvador have been constructed and controlled as dangerous and dispensable, allowing the ruling class to engage in politics of social triage, where the propertied class and their interests are protected at the expense of what has been constructed as “bare life,” individuals and com- munities holding fewer rights as citizens. This explains why the government of El Salvador did not have to compensate the poor sectors of the society for the suffering it caused with its quarantine policies. While over 75 million US Dollars were spent on a new hospital, entire communities hoisted white flags signaling their surrender confronted with the conditions imposed by the governmental quarantine measures.

Abstract
Extreme conditions, such as pandemics, frequently make daily forms of inequality and injustice more visible, given their more extreme consequences in times of crises. COVID-19 politics in El Salvador are no different. For a long time, the poor sectors of El Salvador have been constructed and controlled as dangerous and dispensable, allowing the ruling class to engage in politics of social triage, where the propertied class and their interests are protected at the expense of what has been constructed as “bare life,” individuals and com- munities holding fewer rights as citizens. This explains why the government of El Salvador did not have to compensate the poor sectors of the society for the suffering it caused with its quarantine policies. While over 75 million US Dollars were spent on a new hospital, entire communities hoisted white flags signaling their surrender confronted with the conditions imposed by the governmental quarantine measures.

Resumen
En los trabajos sobre la cultura y la historia del pueblo guna de Panamá publicados entre 1900 y 1940, un conjunto de autores muy diferentes concuerda en la crucial importancia de una cuestión en particular: el separatismo de los gunas y su resistencia al control. La mayoría de ellos describieron implícitamente a los gunas como versiones o espejos de sí mismos. El jesuita español Leonardo Gassó vio a los indígenas tradicionalistas como reaccionarios que, al igual que él, se oponían al secularismo y la modernidad; el explorador americano Richard Marsh retrató a los gunas como aristócratas amenazados por unos intrusos de piel oscura; el abogado indigenista William Markham, como rebeldes humildes pero valiosos; el etnógrafo sueco Erland Nordenskiöld, como intelectuales indígenas; y los autores panameños los vieron como predecesores de famosos líderes hispanos y contribuidores a la identidad mestiza. Estas interpretaciones dispares y la inquietud compartida por el separatismo de los gunas deben ser consideradas en el contexto de los temas y las inquietudes persistentes en el pensamiento de Europa y Euro-América.

Abstract
In works on the culture and history of the Guna of Panamá published between 1900 and 1940, an otherwise diverse collection of authors agreed on the centrality of a single issue: Guna separatism and resistance to control. Most of them portrayed the Guna implicitly as versions or mirrors of themselves. The Spanish Jesuit Leonardo Gassó saw indigenous traditionalists as reactionaries opposed like him to secularism and modernity; the Ameri- can explorer Richard Marsh depicted the Guna as aristocrats menaced by dark-skinned interlopers; the indigenous advocate William Markham as humble but worthy rebels; the Swedish ethnographer Erland Nordenskiöld as indigenous intellectuals; and Latin Pana- manian authors saw them as predecessors of famous Hispanic leaders and contributors to mestizo identity. These disparate interpretations and the shared preoccupation with guna separatism should be seen in the context of persistent themes and preoccupations in the thought of Europe and Euro-America.